Rosner's Domain: Dan Mariaschin on countries that are "ready to just accept a nuclear Iran"

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Daniel S. Mariaschin is the Executive Vice President of B'nai B'rith International. As the organization's top executive officer, he directs and supervises B'nai B'rith programs, activities, and staff in over 50 countries where B'nai B'rith is organized. Mr. Mariaschin serves in the dual capacity as Director of B'nai B'rith's Center for Human Rights and Public Policy. In this position, he is the spokesman for B'nai B'rith, interpreting its policies to a variety of audiences, including Congress and the media, with responsibility for coordinating its programs and policies on issues of concern to the Jewish community (a lot more bio here).

I sent him a couple of questions, and here's what I got:

1. Not long ago, you've told the Jewish Week that "there's a realization the atmosphere in the region may not be there for an all-out push" concerning the peace process. Can you explain why - and what's your assessment following the Netanyahu-Mitchell meeting in London?

It seems that the Palestinians and the Arab states have hardened, not softened their positions in recent weeks, despite efforts at a new beginning in the peace process. Re-starting negotiations, which seems to be the message out of the talks in London, is different than seeing a quick resolution of outstanding issues on the horizon. If the view in the Palestinian camp continues to be centered on Israel doing the heavy lifting, it's doubtful a real solution is in the offering. And if it were to come to that, does Israel have a Palestinian partner that can not only negotiate, but enforce any agreement it signs?

2. Your decision to attend the Durban 2 conference draw some criticism. Do you still believe it was the right decision - and does it also make you more prone not to be critical of the decision to award Mary Robinson with the medal of freedom?

I don't recall encountering criticism, and it was the right decision to go to Geneva. The united Jewish response at the Durban II conference was heard clearly in the international community, though the walkout on Ahmadinejad's speech by the Europeans should have been joined by dozens of other countries - that should have known better. We were critical of the decision to award the Medal of Freedom to Mary Robinson. It was on her watch that the hate fest at Durban I occurred, and to her everlasting "discredit" it remains a stain on her career.

3. You recently came back from Latin America. Why invest time in places where there are very few Jews?

There are only 14 million of us - and every Jew counts. I was raised in a county in New Hampshire with 25 Jewish families, and we felt very much connected to the broader Jewish world. There are both large (Argentina, for example) and small (Central America) Jewish communities in Latin America, and they often feel vulnerable. B'nai B'rith has members in 18 Latin American countries, and we see our role as being as supportive as possible. Anti-Semitism/anti-Zionism knows no minimum demographic numbers, so our interest in these communities remains a top priority.

4. And speaking about Latin America - any idea why Hugo Chavez keeps denigrating Israel, a far-away country with which he has no business?

Chavez probably finds bashing Israel helpful in winning friends and influencing people in certain quarters of the international community. In the process, he's been able to attract a partner in Iran and the two countries are spreading their influence throughout a good part of the western hemisphere. The acts of anti-Semitism and anti-democratic policies emanating from Caracas should be of deep concern not just to us, but to democracies everywhere.

5. You've never explicitly criticized the so-called "engagement" policy vis-à-vis Iran. Are you ready to say now that this policy will probably fail, and that Iran's quest for nuclear weapons will most likely succeed unless more dramatic and aggressive measures will be taken, and soon?

No serious effort to stop Iran from building a nuclear weapon should be dismissed. That said, any outreach to Teheran would need to have carefully delineated benchmarks. To date - and not surprisingly - the Iranians have not even responded to the Administration's offer. I’m not terribly sanguine about the outcome of such a process. For six years, Iran kept the European Union on the hook, all the while continuing its march to weapons grade enrichment. Given that, all options need to remain on the table, and the Western democracies -- led by the U.S. -- should start preparing another round of harsh sanctions, including an embargo on refined petroleum products.

6. What can still be done in order to convince the world - especially Russia and China - that such measures are necessary, and do you see a viable path leading to effective sanctions before it is too late?

I sense there is an "as long as it's not in my back yard" mentality when it comes to meeting  this threat from Iran. But the clock is ticking, and the opportunity for serious economic sanctions to be put in place will not be there forever. I'm concerned that some countries are ready to throw in the towel and just accept a nuclear Iran. That outcome would be fraught with terrible consequences for all of us. If the United Nations Security Council is unable to get the votes on a tougher round of sanctions, we'll have to look to convincing Europe, including some of Iran's key trading partners, that serious bi-lateral sanctions be imposed. What's so frustrating in all of this is why there is not more unanimity - and urgency - on acting.