Window on Israel: The grass isn't greener on Hamas's side of the fence

Marathon efforts to free captive Israeli soldier Gilad Schalit have failed. According to Israel, Hamas hardened its conditions and withdrew concessions they had accepted earlier.

Perhaps the campaign mounted by the Schalit family backfired. The indications of wide support among Israelis for freeing prisoners "with blood on their hands" may have led Hamas to refuse compromise, or even to increase their demands. Hamas denies those charges however,  and blames Israel for the failure of negotiations.

Gilad's father Noam Schalit blames Olmert.
 
Prime Minister-designate Binyamin Netanyahu has avoided commenting on the prisoner exchange issue, but members of his coalition abuilding have spoken out forcefully against freeing a large number of murderers in exchange for one soldier.
 
The moral issues are well known, and have been debated to exhaustion.
 
Some convicted killers will revert to terror if released, and the result may be more Israeli deaths.

Tell that to the family campaigning to pay whatever is necessary to secure the release of their son before he dies, disappears, or is broken by continued captivity. They find support among Israelis who feel their government must do all it can to return home the soldiers sent into combat.
 
Israel has a long history of paying a heavy price for its soldiers or their remains. The government paid in live terrorists for a retired military officer who went bad and was captured while illegally in Lebanon to acquire narcotics for sale in Israel. Among the concerns in his case was the fear he would reveal secrets if not ransomed.
 
The tradition is older than the modern state. Throughout the Middle Ages, Jewish communities collected resources from their members to buy the release of individuals seized by pirates or bandits.
 
Occasionally, a heroic figure says something like, "No negotiations with terrorists." Last night we heard a distinguished professor say Israel must plan better so it achieves more in its military campaigns and subsequent negotiations. It should devise clear criteria for how many and what kind of prisoners may be exchanged for live Israelis or bodies. It should pass a law against freeing killers in a way disproportionate with the benefits received.
 
All that would be nice if it were possible. The best laid plans and the clearest laws encounter conditions created by opponents. Those holding Schalit, and those who have held soldiers or bodies in Lebanon, may not be as powerful or as well connected as Israel, but they are strong enough to cause a departure from plans and criteria meant to tie the hands of a future government.
 
The campaign of the Schalit family attracted the support of more than 60 percent of the population, according to recent polls. A demonstration mounted by the families of terror victims, who did not want to release the killers, attracted a small fraction of those who participated in the Schalit demonstrations.
 
The Schalit camp has been strong enough to cause a large number of politicians to say  Israel should "pay a heavy price" for the release of the soldier. Not many of them have been willing to say, "pay any price."
 
Netanyahu is having trouble putting together a government of small parties, each of which is demanding a great deal. Even if he succeeds, he may have as few as 61 of the 120 Knesset members on his side, with problems in his own party besides. He may not be able produce a solution for Schalit, or anything else on the country's agenda.
 
Israel Beiteinu chairman Avigdor Lieberman, the designated foreign minister, is under investigation by the police. Attorney-General Menahem Mazuz told Netanyahu there was no legal reason not to make the appointment for the time being, but that may change. An officer speaking for the police says that Lieberman's continuing actions raise suspicion of money laundering and bribery. Investigations are going forward, and will include interviews with Lieberman under the warning: "Anything you say may be used against you."

Ultra-Orthodox members of the coalition are making expensive demands for welfare, housing and education. Netanyahu prizes his reputation for financial management, but will have to pay if he wants them in his government. Lieberman and the ultra-Orthodox will squabble over issues of conversion, intermarriage and the sale of non-kosher meat.

 Likud members are chafing at the appointments and other concessions Netanyahu has given to smaller parties. They may embarrass him by something other than firm support for his proposals, and "unavoidable absences" from crucial votes.

We are hearing from Americans and Europeans close to their governments that Israel's coalition of "right-wing extremists" will add to the country's isolation.
 
Netanyahu asked President Shimon Peres to persuade Kadima and Labor to enter a government of national unity.
 
Tzipi Livni and Ehud Barak looked at their potential partners, and answered, "No thanks." It was better to watch Bibi twist in the wind and wait for the next election.
 
Our immediate future will be uncertain and unpleasant, but not as uncertain and unpleasant as our adversaries'.
 
Among their problems is the rubble in Gaza. Rebuilding will depend on the flow of supplies, and those may wait until Hamas agrees to free Schalit on terms acceptable to the Israeli government.
 
An optimist will notice that the grass is not as green across the street.