A crisis for Zionism?

The recent elections in Israel exposed a new low point in its prolonged crisis of governance and leadership - a crisis rooted in an electoral system which generates constant instability, a fragmented Knesset and ineffective governance.

Reforming the electoral system should be a top priority for the next government. The first step is simple: the head of the largest party should be the prime minister without needing a vote of confidence from the Knesset.

The symptoms of Israel's crisis are evident. In the past decade, approximately ten different people served as ministers with major portfolios such as finance, infrastructure, transportation or communications. These short tenures compromised the ability to design and implement policy. As General Giora Eiland, former national security adviser, frames it: "designing policy in Israel is like writing poetry while standing on a ball".

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The decline of Jerusalem

The most significant transfer of power in Israeli history is unfolding. Political institutions and elite are being overshadowed by mayors, philanthropists, business leaders, nonprofits and civil servants. This transformation allows us to become a healthier society of closely networked communities.

Olmert's downfall is just the most recent milestone of a process that has been going on for thirty years.

During the first twenty five years of its existence, Israeli society and economy was mostly centralized, state-owned and controlled. There was one powerful party, MAPAI, and an all-powerful government that ran the country in a top-down fashion. As late as the early eighties, the government controlled more than eighty percent (80%) of the economy, provided all public services and controlled most media outlets.

Closing the gap

There are several differences between Reut and other traditional think tanks. Most think tanks operate on the assumption that the central problem is connected to the collection and processing of information. So they deal with research. We say that the central problem lies with the cognitive, conceptual understanding of the problem. We don't provide answers, we ask questions.

People in think tanks are experts with knowledge and experience. Our team is young - the average age is 29 and there isn't one PhD among us. That means that we can ask questions, that we can apply ourselves to think about problems in a fresh way.

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Why should Israelis care

As I mentioned in the first post of this series, my perspective in writing this series is that of a Jew and an Israeli, in that order. I am also a grantee that has realized a dream and a vision due to the generosity of time, spirit, trust and money by lay leaders, Jewish professional, rabbis, communities and organizations from across the Jewish world.

Why should we - Israelis - care? My answer is that we should care as both as Israelis and as Jews for a number of reasons (with no particular order of importance).

First, as Israelis we should have the most practical urge to see a billion dollars per annum of philanthropic giving being put to the best possible use in the service of prosperity and security of our country. A billion dollars of do-good money is a lot even in our present economic state.

Crisis of leadership or trust?

Is Israel suffering a crisis of leadership? For many, the long list of politicians and public servants under investigation gives a clear positive answer. I argue that our current crisis is not a crisis of leadership; it's a crisis of trust between the general public and the elected officials chosen to exercise authority. The distinction is essential for designing the remedy.

Ronald Heifetz of Harvard University defines authority as conferred power to perform a service. Authority rests on the contract between the authority figure and his or her constituents. It is given and can be taken away.

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The Reut Policy Network

Jewish communities around the world represent a massive untapped intellectual potential for Israel. This potential is compounded by many Israelis who wish to make a substantive contribution to our wellbeing and security. The goal of the Reut Policy Network - RPN - is to provide an outlet for all of this energy and to allow the Government of Israel (GOI) to tap into this resource.

The Web 2.0 technologies have opened up new possibilities of connections and interaction. They allow for content and substance to be created through the inputs of many contributors who form virtual communities. Of the prominent examples for web 2.0 platforms are youtube, Myspace, Facebook, or LinkedIn.

The Jewish world has been impacted by these trends as well. A while back Amiram Barkat of Ha'aretz reported on the emergence of a new virtual culture centered around the internet. One such example, JewTube, is trying to create an online Jewish community based around videos of Jewish interest.

The current negotiation agenda

In the aftermath of the Annapolis Summit, negotiations over a Permanent Status Agreement (PSA) are expected to continue apace. The current negotiations agenda over a PSA are comprised of several issues: borders and territorial arrangements, Jerusalem, refugees, security and the establishment of a Palestinian state. This agenda is unsuitable for the future challenges facing the two sides and doesn?t serve Israel's interests.

The current negotiations agenda is based on the agenda of the Lausanne Conciliation Commission (5/49) which convened after Israel's War of Independence. The Commission established that the issues of territories, refugees and the status of Jerusalem, were the key issues for the resolution of the Israeli-Arab conflict. This typology was endorsed and expanded by United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 (11/67, 10/73 respectively), the 1978 Camp David Accords (9/78), the Madrid Peace Conference (10/91), the Oslo Process leading up to the Taba Talks (9/93, 1/01), as well as by non-governmental efforts such as the Geneva Initiative (10/03). The different drafts dealing with permanent status (Beilin Abu Mazen agreement, Ayalon-Nusseibeh, etc) were also based on this typology, as were the negotiation working groups for permanent status between 1999-2001.

Reforming the electroral system

A recent article reported that the Knesset Constitution Committee will soon begin discussing a shift from straight proportional representation to a mixed system in which some Knesset members are elected via districts. This legislation is designed to reform Israel's electoral system so as to improve the Government's capacity to govern.

In previous posts on my personal blog, I've written that the weakness of the Israeli Government and its inability to govern is the most pressing issue on Israel's agenda today. This reform may turn out to be the most important legislation introduced during the term of this Knesset, and possibly since the establishment of the State. In this post, I will write about the System of Government I believe is required for the State of Israel.